By
Mark Featherstone
On Friday morning Nick Griffin, leader of the
BNP, was interviewed on Radio 5 about his twitter posts concerning a court
ruling against a landlord who refused to rent a room to a gay couple. Speaking
on Nicky Campbell’s Breakfast Show, Griffin explained that British people have
a ‘right to discriminate’. But what is this ‘right to discriminate’? Does it
exist? Should it exist? Let’s think this through.
Essentially, Griffin sought to oppose the
idea of a right to discriminate to the traditional British idea of tolerance.
Here, we tolerate or accept other people, even though we may not agree with
them, and it is this that makes society possible. This is the case because it
is only on the basis of my acceptance of or respect for other people’s
difference that I can ensure other people’s acceptance of or respect for my
identity. Here, we find the basic principle of a liberal, democratic,
pluralistic society, or we might say, a multicultural society, where I affirm
other people’s right to their own identity. By contrast, if I refuse to tolerate
or accept other people, it is likely that they will refuse to tolerate or
accept me, and society will essentially become impossible. This would be the
logical result of a society with a universal right to discriminate - enmity
What if, however, the right to discriminate
was not universal, or democratic, and only some people held this power? This
would change things. In other words, if we say that my right to discriminate
against other people trumps their right to discriminate against me and that I
somehow hold the essential power to discriminate then society could continue
because I would essentially be setting or defining the rules of discrimination.
Here, I have the power to decide. Here,
I am dictator.
The political theorist who presents this
argument, and best embodies Griffin’s logic, is Carl Schmitt, the German legal
thinker, and member of the Nazi party until 1936, when he was ousted for his
apparent careerism. In Schmitt’s work, the essence of politics resides in the
ability to decide, and discriminate, between insiders and outsiders. Of course,
Schmitt, the follower of the British thinker Thomas Hobbes, knew that not
everybody could hold this power. If everybody could discriminate, and decide
between their own insiders and outsiders, and essentially make their own law,
then society would effectively disintegrate, and we would descend into civil
war. Like Hobbes, who advanced the importance of the figure of the Leviathan,
Schmitt argued that what was required to effectively organise society was a
dictator. Somebody would have to make decisions, to decide between insiders and
outsiders, and discriminate between friends and enemies.
While Schmitt made this decision, the
supported Hitler and the Nazis against the background of post-crash Weimar
Germany, Griffin champions authoritarianism and the right to discriminate in
the context of early 21st century democracy which seems similarly
bankrupt and exhausted in the wake of economic collapse. This is why we should
be concerned about Griffin’s ideas today. He is voicing them under conditions
where they are likely to find a receptive audience. In other words, people
listen to the politics of enmity in difficult times.
Yet even if we were to accept these ideas
morally, they seem totally unrealistic because without dictatorship they would
lead us towards a kind of non-society of enemies. In this warfare society, I
refuse to tolerate, accept, and recognise you, and you do the same to me. We
end up at each other’s throats. This is civil war, which neither Hobbes nor
Schmitt could tolerate or accept. Clearly, then, the only way the right to
discriminate could really work, even if this is what we desired, is in an
authoritarian society. But how likely is this today?
Unfortunately, it is more likely than ever
since the 1930s, because of the economic crash, recession, and current
austerity measures. If we need evidence of this, we only need to look to
contemporary Greece, where the extreme rightists, Golden Dawn, have gained mass
support in the wake of the collapse of Greek society. This is why we should be
on guard against the extreme right today because they stand poised to take
advantage of social decay, collapse, and resentment caused by austerity.
Of course, the truth is that even if we went
down this immoral, violent, road the rightist principle of enmity would solve
nothing because capitalism and economy remains the key expression of
discrimination today. In our society the principal form of discrimination is
not some stupid, poorly articulated, hatred of people on the basis of their
personal attributes, although we must, of course, guard against this, but
rather the capitalist logic that separates, and sorts, us into winners and
losers as a result of our accidental
position in the economy.
It is this violent calculus which has
excluded the old white working class come underclass who make up the core of
Griffin’s support from normal society, as well as everybody else who finds themselves
living in the merciless precarious world of contemporary capitalism. Against
this decaying system, which has led the resurgence of the extreme right across
Europe, I would suggest that what is required today is a turn to the left, and
a left which can solve the problems of the market, rather than a toothless left
which refuses to manage the economy or a new rightist politics of
discrimination. Against the society of enemies, I suggest we need a society
without the principle of discrimination, where nobody has the right to
discriminate or exclude anybody else on the basis of the peculiarities of their
identity or accident of birth.
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