Andrew Henley, a Graduate Teaching Assistant and PhD student in Criminology, is the winner of the 2014 Centre for Crime and Justice Studies essay competition.
As their website reports, "Entrants to this year's competition were asked to write an essay of between 1,400 and 1,600 words on what criminal justice institution, or what aspect of policy or practice, they would want to see abolished. Andrew's essay, entitled 'Abolishing the stigma of punishments served', argued for the abolition of the routine requirement to declare criminal convictions.
His essay concluded by arguing in favour of a tighter set of principles regarding disclosure that offered: 'a more proportionate, humane and legitimate system of dealing with previous convictions which would go some way to abolishing the persistent ‘non-superior’ status of former lawbreakers. Significantly, they could also play a significant role in a wider decarceration strategy because, whilst they will not address the underlying issues of social marginality and economic disadvantage which often contribute to individuals being criminalised in the first place, they may at least remove a significant barrier to those aiming to escape the ‘revolving doors’ of the criminal justice system.'
Reacting to the news Andrew said: 'I'm delighted to have won and want to extend my thanks to the judging panel. I think it's great that the competition topic was criminal justice abolition and that the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies is encouraging PhD students to think of alternatives to current policies and practices.'"
Congratulations to Andrew! He will now receive a bursary to attend the British Society of Criminology Conference and his essay will be published in the centre's quarterly magazine.
Thursday, 26 June 2014
Thursday, 12 June 2014
Conference papers at 'The right to the city in an era of austerity', Paris
Dr Ala Sirriyeh
and Dr Andrzej
Zieleniec, (Sociology)
recently gave papers at a conference at the Université Paris Ouest
Nanterre/Université Paris-Sorbonne, ‘The
right to the city in an era of austerity’.
The abstracts for the papers are below. A recent blog post about Andy’s work can be
found here
and the final report that Ala’s co-authored paper was based on is here.
‘The Great Meeting
Place’: Bradford’s City Park, doing regeneration differently?
Dr Nathan Manning
(University of York) and Dr Ala Sirriyeh (Keele University)
Recent accounts of
urban space frequently note pervasive trends which undermine public spaces:
privatisation, commercialisation, securitisation and homogenisation (e.g.
Hodkinson 2012, MacLeod 2002, Minton 2009, Mitchell 2003, Sennett 1974). While
we accept the broad sweep of these analyses, this paper will present a case
study of Bradford’s City Park which, to some extent, seems to run counter to
prevailing tendencies.
City
Park is a new urban space with a central interactive water feature in the
centre of Bradford (West Yorkshire, UK). The park is a focal point of Bradford
Council’s regeneration plan. It opened in March 2012 and despite some on-going
criticism, the site has drawn thousands of people to the heart of Bradford.
During the summer of 2013 we undertook a research study in City Park to explore how the park is used, experienced and perceived by different groups. The fieldwork involved a series of observations in City Park, interviews with park users, relevant council staff, security personnel, and businesses operating in the park.
We
argue that commonly accepted principles of urban regeneration structure who has
the right to the city and what activities are pertained to be acceptable. In
particular, post-industrial city regeneration is often centred around appeals
to commercial interests and investment and to attracting creative classes into
the city (Florida 2000, Power et al. 2010). Bradford’s City Park displays some
elements of these models of recovery: as an investment in physical infrastructure
and the urban environment and also a site for showcasing key arts and cultural
events in the centre of Bradford. However, we found the development also
presents a unique regeneration pathway which deviates from renewal projects in
other northern UK cities.
‘The Right to Write the City: Lefebvre and
Graffiti’
There is an
increasing academic, artistic and practitioner literature on graffiti. It
covers a range of issues (identity, youth, subculture, gender, anti-social
behaviour, vandalism, gangs, territoriality, policing and crime, urban art,
aesthetics, commodification, etc.).
What they all have in
common is an acknowledgement of graffiti as a quintessential urban phenomenon.
However, there is a fairly limited attempt to specifically address graffiti
within theories of the urban and more explicitly within conceptualisations of
the complexity of produced urban space.
Lefebvre’s analysis
of the city as an oeuvre, a living
work of art, is linked to his ‘triad of necessary elements for the production
of space’ and his ‘cry and demand’ for the ‘Right to the City’ as a means to
argue that graffiti, in its various forms, styles, locations, meanings and
values demonstrates features that represents Lefebvre’s assertion of the need
to appropriate and use space in everyday life. In particular, it is argued that
the lived experience of everyday urban space is creatively engaged with through
the imaginative and artist interventions of mural, pictorial and textual
graffiti to challenge dominant representations and regulation of space.
Graffiti represents a
quotidian and non-commercial artistic intervention in the urban landscape.
Graffiti involves knowledge and use of the urban environment and practices that
challenge and contest the schemes and structures imposed by urban designers,
planners and architects. It confronts and resists the restrictive political
regulation and imposition of the spatial order. It offers non-commercial alternative
aesthetics to the economic and financial interests who decorate the urban
landscape with signage and commodity advertising. This perspective then sees
graffiti in Lefebvrian terms as everyday acts in which representational space
is literally created through imaginative acts that reassert through visual
poesies and praxis, the right to colonise, appropriate, use and inhabit public
and social space. That is, graffiti is a political as well as artistic and
aesthetic exercise. An example of the creation of socially meaningful space
through the reassertion and reprioritisation of use values rather than exchange
values. ‘The Right to the City’ by ‘Writing the City’ through graffiti provides
an urban semiotic that engenders new spatial practices and new ways of reading
and understanding the urban, the city and everyday life.
Children, Collecting Experience, and the Natural Environment
By Lydia Martens, Senior Lecturer in Sociology
I have just
completed the end of award report for the British Academy small grant Children, Collecting Experience, and the
Natural Environment. The grant provided a budget to conduct ethnographic
research on a holiday site on the North West coast of Scotland, during the summer
months of 2012 and 2013. My research focused on the informal ways children learn
to pay attention whilst being in the outdoor environment of this setting with family
members and other children, using it as a resource in the creation of their
activities. The research consisted of extensive on-site ethnographic work and
focused research with seven families.
The research
was intended to allow me to move my established interest in families, children
and consumer culture towards the problematic of the environment. The connection
between children and nature has, in recent years, very much captured the
popular imagination in the UK, with regular newspaper coverage and actions
initiated by nature charities (e.g. the National Trust’s Natural
Childhood inquiry). In this coverage, contemporary childhood is much
lamented, with claims that contemporary British children grow up with
substantially fewer opportunities to explore outdoor environments compared with
previous generations. These are, in turn, linked to other childhood worries,
such as the growth in childhood obesity, the lack in children’s physical
activity, children’s
ignorance of everything ‘natural’, and the growth of a sedentary mediated
consumer culture around the child. It is clear that in these ways of thinking
about children and nature, consumption and consumer culture are considered a
salient part (if not the actual cause) of ‘the problem’. By contrast, my study
suggests that the holiday experience consumed by families on this site actively
stimulates the creative engagement of children in and with this outdoor
environment, and also contributes in positive ways towards the establishment of
family memories and attachments to people, animals and place. It thus brings a rather
different perspective to bear on these concerns.
Focusing very
much on the ways in which children learn in outdoor settings, my research is
significant for highlighting how this type of holiday is not only a source for
learning about the social qualities of engaging with other people, important
though these are. It is also a source for learning in embodied and moral ways
about being in, what is in essence, an environmentally complex outdoor setting,
that brings together a beach, rockpools, rocks, the sea, and a surrounding
crofting community, in addition to all the creatures and vegetation that also
use this location as their habitat. This environment is also subject to highly variable
weather conditions, and as such, it is not unlike many other British seaside
locations that attract visitors. Whilst the weather has interesting
implications for activities on site, including my fieldwork, with invitations
to participate in outings that ranged from canoeing trips to rockpooling, this
was a fun project for me to do.
I am still
thinking about the complex moral and ethical issues that arise from being in the
outdoors. A substantial proportion of people on site choose to be here on a
yearly basis and are very vocal about their emotional attachment to the
landscape and its natural qualities. Observing the interactions of the young
and old shows how children are immersed in the ‘nature’ ethics and moralities
of their elders and peers. Even so, in the pursuit of fun, it was apparent that
care for the environment was not always at the forefront of people’s minds. From
a nature conservation perspective, the natural environment of this site is
regarded as fragile. This gives rise to the tricky question how people can be
in this environment in ways that are sustainable in the long run.
Together with
four colleagues (Emma Surman
from Keele, Elizabeth
Curtis from Aberdeen and Monica
Truninger from Lisbon, Portugal), I presented on the findings of this
project in the context of a special session we organised on the theme of
Children, Consumption and Collecting Experience, at the recent Child & Teen
Consumption Conference in Edinburgh.
Monday, 9 June 2014
Immigration and Crime. A New Publication by Dr Clare Griffiths
Immigration
to the UK from Central and Eastern Europe remains a topic of contention in both
political and media discourse. The debate as to whether mass immigration
threatens order and security has been particularly prominent in the UK press again
recently with the European elections. In a recent article in The
Guardian, Nigel
Farage has been quoted as saying there is a direct association between Romanian
immigrants and criminality. This is not a new topic though and the association
of immigration with crime has a long history in not only popular discourse but
also in academic literature. Sociologists and Criminologists at the University
of Chicago long ago stated for example that immigration fractures effective
community controls, resulting in increased crime, conflict and social disorder.
Adopting the Chicago School approach, Dr
Clare Griffiths carried out a research project to explore how groups in an English town
respond to mass immigration from Poland and how this impacts on communities'
capabilities to get together and collectively control crime and disorder.
Building
on a previous publication, 'Living with Aliens' in Criminal
Justice Matters, Dr Griffiths has recently published an article entitled 'Group
Conflict and ‘Confined’ and ‘Collaborative’ Collective Efficacy: The Importance
of a Normative Core between Immigrants and Natives in an English Town' in the Polish Sociological Review. Contrary to previous research,
she shows how neighbourhoods
experiencing immigration can in fact live in a conflict-free and civilised
environment. Rather than placing so much emphasis on the need for new migrants
to integrate and adapt to the host community, the article shows the importance
of encouraging local residents to reach out and engage with newcomers. It is
not necessary for groups to display dense or strong social networks with each
other. What is more important is encouraging positive perceptions of local
institutions who are responsible for social control (such as the local police)
and encouraging the recognition of a normative consensus between diverse
groups. It is these factors that can encourage collaboration in crime control
activities and reduce experiences of inter-group conflict in communities
experiencing immigration.
Please get in touch with Clare if you would like to know more about this publication.
Wednesday, 4 June 2014
‘Like’ your Existence or What is a Selfie?
by Mark Featherstone, Senior Lecturer in Sociology
What is a selfie? Why do people take pictures of
themselves and then post them on Facebook or Instagram? When I was a kid my
parents took photos of me and my brother and hoarded them in biscuit tins
stored in the backs of cupboards, but today we tend take as many pictures of
ourselves as we do of each other. Why is this the case? If we take pictures of
other people in particular situations in order to remember, why do we take
pictures of ourselves? Is this in order to remember ourselves? Perhaps if we
did not take pictures of ourselves in particular situations – at the beach, at
a party, and so on – we might forget we were ever there. Perhaps if we did not
take pictures of ourselves in banal, everyday, situations we might forget
ourselves completely? We might forget we ever existed.
By nature the selfie tends
to screen out the situation we find ourselves in – the distance between the
hand and face means that it is only possible to capture so much background in
the shot. As a result, the face, or if the photographer uses a mirror, the
body, tends to dominate the shot. Thus, I’m not sure anybody takes a
selfie to remember their friend’s party. Perhaps some people do, but I think
the clue to the meaning of the selfie resides in the word itself – selfie. This is
about the self. For this reason, I think that the majority of selfies are taken
simply in order to assert the photographer / subject’s presence in the world.
What does the selfie say to other people? It says ‘look at me, I am here’. This is why the celebrity, most especially the precarious celebrity, the
celebrity who fears they may be forgotten tomorrow, really needs the selfie.
The selfie tells everybody that they’re still around, they still exist. Of course,
nobody cares about seeing a minor celebrity’s face over and over again, so what
we find is that the celebrity selfie will tend to involve more and more exposure
and in the end what the French writer Paul Virilio calls, over-exposure.
Over-exposure is an effect of a kind of celebrity arms race – show more and
more in order to try to attract more and more hits.
But what is over-exposure? Over-exposure
occurs when the private sphere over-flows into public space and everything is
on show. Another famous French post-modernist thinker, Jean Baudrillard, talks
about this idea in terms of obscenity, which refers to a situation where what
should remain off scene suddenly intrudes and flashes into view. In terms of
the internet, this is exactly why hard-core pornography is obscene in
Baudrillard’s use of the term – everything which would usually take place in
private is here placed in full public view. We see everything.
Neither Virilio or
Baudrillard place value judgements upon their ideas of over-exposure or
obscenity – it’s not that they think saying too much or showing too much is
morally bad, but rather that they understand that civilization has evolved
through ideas of public and private discourse which are now in the process of
being undermined by digital communication and social media. This is clearly
problematic. What we know about Facebook, for example, is that we can very
easily say too much. In a sense social media compels us to speak, to affirm our
existence and our situation, to everybody and anybody who will listen. But this
is problematic when what we say is not framed in the correct register – for example,
when I become abusive or violent online. Or it may simply be the case that I am
over-exposed in some other way that impacts upon my life in ways that I could
not have foreseen or imagined. Consider a drunken night – I am photographed
drunk with friends who post my image on Facebook. What impact does this have
upon my future employment prospects and so on? The issue here, of course, is
not that my behaviour is somehow morally offensive in itself, but rather that
it becomes problematic and even deviant when it is captured, recorded, and
transposed from private space into the public arena.
In response to this
situation, Google recently announced ‘a right to forget’, where I can ask them
to remove information relating to my name from its internet searches. In a
sense this seems like a basic legal innovation relating to the right to
privacy and so on, but in my view there is more at stake here connected to the
reason we are ever over-exposed in the first place. There are, of course, many
instances where people have had their name and image violently abused on the
internet, and these people should no doubt have a ‘right to forget’, but what
interests me here is the more general idea of the concept of a right to forget
in the context of a technological society where it seems to me that we are
desperate to remember, to the extent where we need to take photos of ourselves
and post them on our Facebook pages in order to remember that we even exist.
The sociologist Zygmunt
Bauman tells us that we live in a liquid modern world. Everything flows, and
moves very quickly, and there is no permanence about the world. Life is
precarious. Paul Virilio explains that speed is the measure of all things
today. We live in what he calls a dromocracy. In other words, speed is what
separates the winners from the losers. Life is a race. For Virilio’s French
colleague Baudrillard, our world is characterised by a blizzard of signs.
Everything flows through the media. What mattered today, 12 hours ago, 6 hours
ago, 3 hours ago, 20 minutes ago, is now meaningless. Old news is no news. I am
sure everybody can recognise elements of this world, the post-modern world,
Bauman, Virilio, and Baudrillard theorise, but what has this got to with the
selfie? My view is that in the face of this lightning fast, liquid society
characterised by a blizzard of signs and information, everything begins to
collapse and merge into an undifferentiated flow of opinions, perspectives, and
general noise. How can we make ourselves heard under these conditions? How can
we convince ourselves that we matter? How can we convince ourselves that we
exist? The answer is that we must take to Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram in
order to reconstruct our world on a virtual platform which paradoxically
confirms our concrete existence. Ironically, I know I exist because I can see
my photograph on the Keele website. This digital image confirms my here-ness.
The problem with this is, of
course, that this photo no longer really looks like me. This is a common,
rather banal, complaint that we all have about our lives in photos, but the
deeper meaning of this protest holds. In psychoanalysis my image is not me – it
is an alienated version of me, my ego, which I use to imagine myself. This is
necessary in order to give myself some sense of self, and identity over time, but
it is also important that I do not begin to confuse myself with a two
dimensional image, and collapse my life into some kind of virtual persona.
However, it may be the case that this is exactly where we are today. We are
lost in our lightning fast, liquid society, and buried in signs, symbols,
ideas, and information that we cannot process, simply because of the speed
which characterises their production, consumption, and redundancy. In the face
of this situation, the cost of my survival is the banal practice of making
myself heard and seen – I assert myself on the internet in the most basic way I
can. I post a picture of my face with some snappy caption which confirms that I
am an interesting person who deserves to exist or, if even this is beyond me, I
simply affirm my existence without any symbolic support. Here, I simply exist
because I exist – ‘here I am, and that is all’.
In his recent article in the
London Review of Books, ‘On Selfies’, the writer Julian Stallabrass explains
that the problem with the selfie and Instagram is that the image itself is
obsolete, redundant, and subject to a kind of logic of disappearance from
almost the moment it appears online. In this respect, my image disappears into
obscurity the moment I upload it, and I find myself back to square one. As a
result I must endeavour to transform myself into a kind of living image where I
upload myself, my every thought, and every image, onto some social media
platform or other in order to keep myself viable. Of course, this work, and
this is work, does not come without its own costs. As we know success and
over-exposure opens me up to constant surveillance by friends who sit in
judgement about the value of my life, opinions, haircuts and so on. At this
point, I exist, but unfortunately, I am now an object of public scrutiny. Here
I exist in a kind of critical space – my existence condemns me to the possibility
of violent critique.
Although the above describes
the general condition of online identity, for the psychoanalyst the constant
obsession with self-identity represents a particular condition - pathological
narcissism or what is sometimes called narcissistic personality disorder. Named
after the Greek mythological figure, Narcissus, who fell in love with his own
image, pathological narcissism is a reflection of ego weakness, which leads the
narcissist to seek to repair their self through constant construction and
reconstruction of an ideal self. Moreover, this ‘exhibitionist self’ is also
prone to seek to devalue others in order to boost their own self-esteem and position
in relation to everybody else. As a result, the narcissist is not only
self-obsessed, but also prone to violent outbursts against others.
However, what is interesting about the current discussion is that what I have
sought to suggest is that the selfie is not the result of individual pathology,
where particular narcissists seek to post images of themselves all over the
internet, but rather that this is somehow a general cultural condition today, caused
by the nature of our high tech global society that makes us feel very small,
insignificant, and almost non-existent. The result of this situation is that in
a sense we all become narcissists who have to reaffirm our identity
constantly. This is what I think the selfie discloses about our contemporary
world. But what can we do about this condition? Against this situation, which
has become as normal, bland, and banal as the selfie itself, the truly radical
act would be to become less ‘other centred’. The problem with the selfie is
that although we take snaps of ourselves, the purpose of these photos is to
assert our existence to the world of others. Everything relies on being seen by
others. The generalised other, the other out there, the other I have never met,
holds the key to my existence.
Against this situation, I
think a better move would be to look inwards, and affirm yourself to and for
yourself. Thus, I think that what would be truly radical today would be to
avoid the selfie, avoid Facebook, and avoid Twitter, and focus on true reflexivity,
where you can think, and be by yourself, and no longer have to rely on
the cybernetic other to ‘like’ your existence.
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